NARCO ANALYSIS: The Battle for Algiers
These days everyone is engaging with Algeria. They all want something. But what they want is not the same. Sixty years after the first one ended, there’s a new battle for Algiers.
These days everyone is engaging with Algeria. They all want something. But what they want is not the same. Sixty years after the first one ended, there’s a new battle for Algiers.
As King Mohammed VI said during his speech commemorating the 23rd anniversary of his ascension to the throne, Morocco and Algeria are indeed “two brotherly peoples, who are bound by...a common destiny,” just maybe not the one he is envisioning.
In Morocco, the king has the government. In Algeria, decision-makers have faux opposition parties and the main étrangère. Following yesterday’s constitutional referendum in Tunisia, President Kais Saied has nothing.
I’ve been working on Algeria for a long time. And I have never been busier. The unprecedented pace is consequence of the unanticipated conflagration of two factors. On the one hand, Algeria is finally stable and secure. On the other hand, the Russia/Ukraine conflict has made Algeria more important to Europe and the US than it has been at any moment in the past.
Much to everyone’s surprise, on 8 June, Algiers announced that it was withdrawing from a friendship and cooperation treaty with Madrid. Algerian gas exports to Spain, which relies on Algerian supplies for nearly 50% of its energy needs, are not in Algiers’ crosshairs. At least for now.
Following the announcement that Spain would reverse the flow of the now dormant Maghreb-España Pipeline (GME) and ship natural gas to Morocco, Algeria declared that if any of the volumes shipped to Morocco were of Algerian origin, it would suspend both piped gas and LNG shipments to Spain. The likelihood of Algeria closing the valves should not be underestimated and there is a very real chance Algeria suspends its Spanish supply contracts...
Last week Mauritanian President Mohamed Ould Ghazouani shuffled his cabinet. The upshot is that Ould Ghazouani is in a strong position and is apparently already looking over the horizon to Mauritania’s 2023 parliamentary elections and beyond to the 2024 presidential poll.
Once the North African darling of the international community and the so-called lone success story of the Arab Spring, Tunisia is drifting toward authoritarianism and hurtling toward an economic cliff. Tunisia is facing two scenarios in the near term: either Saied steps down or he embarks on a much more repressive phase in the face of violent social unrest.
Unless the conflict between Russia and Ukraine is resolved in short order (which does not look very likely,) Morocco’s economy is about to get hit very, very hard. Rabat’s deft maneuvering to help the economy recover from the disastrous impacts of the coronavirus pandemic is on the cusp of being blindsided by exogenous shocks that almost no amount of planning and foresight could have averted.
A question that has flummoxed Sahel watchers for the last decade was “Why not Mauritania?” As violence and instability increased throughout the Sahel from Chad and Sudan to Burkina Faso and Cote d’Ivoire, Mauritania was sitting pretty.

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